Sunday, 6 October 2013

HISTORY OF PASHTO POETS

Notable figures



Khushal Khan Khattak, a 17th-century Pashtun warrior-poet
Amir Kror Suri, son of Amir Polad Suri, is an 8th-century folk hero and king from the Ghor region of Afghanistan[1][2]
Pir Roshan, Pashto poet known for assembling Afghan armies to fight against the Mughal emperor Akbar. Pir Roshan founded the 16th-century Roshanniya movement and wrote the Pashto book Khayr al-Bayān to present his philosophical ideas
Shaikh Mal, narrated the Yusufzai conquest of Swat, and devised rules for distribution of land and water rights which became known as da Shekh Mālī daftar
Khushal Khan Khattak, a 17th-century warrior-poet who preached the unity of all Pashtuns
Rahman Baba, one of the greatest Pashto poets of all times, whose works are every bit as important to the Pashtun as William Shakespeare is to the English. His works are spiritual[3]
Afzal Khan Khattak (Pashto)
Ashraf Khan Khattak (Pashto)
Haleema Khattak (Pashto), A pashto poet and the daughter of Khushal khan khattak, The Warrior Poet and the father of Pashto
Abdul Qader Khattak (Pashto)
Ajmal Khattak(Pashto poet)
Pareshan Khattak (Pashto)
Dr Raj Wali Shah Khattak (Pashto)
Khan Roshan Khan (Pashtun historian and author)
Nazoo Anaa (Pashto)
Ghani Khan (Pashto)
Hamza Baba (Pashto)
Kabir Stori (Pashto)
Babarzai (Pashto)
Seen be Be i.e. س ب ب abbrevition of سیدہ بشری بیگم.The first ever pushto poet having his dewaan.
Karwan (Pashto)
Malang Jan Baba (Pashto)
Shah Sayed Miran (Pashto)
Shah Sayed Guloon (Pashto)
Ahmad Shah Baba (Pashto)
Shah Shuja (Pashto)
Timur Shah (Pashto)
Hamid of Kashmir (Pashto)
Abaseen Yousafzai (Pashto)
Dr. Israr Atal (Pashto)
Ikram Ullah Gran (Pashto)
Mohammad Amin Zazai (Pashto)
Ashraf Hejri (Pashto)
Abdul Hamid Mohmand (Pashto)
Kazim Khan Shaida (Pashto)
Pir Mohammad Kakar (Pashto)
Bait Neka (Pashto)
Shereenyar Yousafzai
Gohar Nangyal
Rahmat Aziz Chitrali (Pashto/Khowar/Urdu)
Dr. Saadat Khan Saghir Khattak(Pashto/Urdu)

HISTORY OF PASHTO

The Early History of Pashto
According to G.P.Tate, the author of "The kingdom of Afghanistan" - the first to use Pashto for literary purposes was the famous Pir Roshan in the 7th century. His arch rival Akhund Derweza (1533-1638) was also compelled to use Pashto to arouse his followers against the Roshania movement. Apparently, both the giants exploited religious and mystic sentiments of their followers. The windfall of that movement was the freedom of Pashto prose from the influence of Arabic and Persian languages.
The most remarkable achievement of that era was the innovation by Pir Roshan that made the writing of Pashto easy. He realized that Pashto could not be written in Arabic script owing to some of its peculiar sounds. He therefore, invented 13 alphabets to represent those sounds. Some of these alphabets patched up vocal differences between the hard and soft dialects of Pashto as well.

Subsequently, Khushal Khan Khattak came to be known "The father of Pashto". Apart from his unsurpassed works in verse and prose on various topics including hunting, falconry, medicine and religion, he compiled a deal of information on the history of Pashtoon.


Then comes Syed Rahmatullah alias Rahat Zakheli(1884-1963),the harbinger of modern Pashto prose. He introduced or revived almost every genre of the time in Pashto. He wrote the first imaginary novel, published in 1912 under the title of "Mah Rukh".His short story "Konda Jeenae" was published in the newspaper AFGHAN in 1917.It was the first but a perfect short story. He compiled history and grammar as well in Pashto.
In the political arena, Bacha Khan gave due attention to the renaissance of the Pashto language, literature and culture. He encouraged and sponsored Pashto poets and writers. Professor Hafiz Mohd Idrees wrote a novel "Peghla" which is considered the first comprehensive novel in Pashto. Said Rasul Rasa, Abdul Rahim Majzoob and Fazal Haq Shida modernized Pashto literature by introducing odes and some other genres of English literature. At this juncture, Pashto took a sharp turn to change its oriental style into a European style. Said Rasul Rasa was a good poet but he is best known for his five novels "Mafroor, Shamae, Khund Kushi, Maimunae and Maikhana".
By that time Pashto received momentum in Afghanistan also with the emergence of a number of good writers, Saleh Mohd Hotak, Abul Haye Habibi, Gul Pacha Ulfat,Qiamuddin Khadim, Siddiq Ullah Rishtin, Zelmay Hiwadmal, Abdul Rauf Benawa and many others. Abdul Mahak wrote "Zamararudda" in three volumes on the post revolutionary situation in Afghanistan.
A great number of Afghan writers are busy nowadays in almost every field of literature. In the field of research, the PhD holders, whose thesis have been published include Iqbal Naseem Khattak, Rajwali Shah Khattak and Mohd Azam.
Some writers work on the religious matters also. The outstanding in this field is Faqir Mohd Abbas Qadria whose work in various sizes from 10 to 1000 (One thousand) pages-have been published in more than 3000 (Three thousand) books.
Pashto language was popularised by the print and electronic media. The poets and writers widened the vision and mental horizons of the Pashto. About 18 radio stations, including those from India, USA, England, Germany, Russia and China, are now broadcasting literary programs in Pashto which now enjoys the 41st position among the languages of the world.
Pashto language is as old as the “Pashtoon” because Pashto is not only the name of a language that has a very rich history, but a language with deeply rooted norms, values, and traditions. Pashto language has a very rich, traditional culture dating back almost 7000 years. In fact, the “Pashtoons” are considered to have branched off from “Aryan”— a civilization that existed around 3000 BC.
Ancient texts such as the Rig-Veda,a sacred Hindi collection written in 1400 B.C., have also been found to contain references to Pashto and the “Pashtoon” peoples (Khan, 1964). Herodotus, a Greek historian who wrote his biography from 486-521 BC, mentions the word Paktika — a province in northern Afghanistan. From such compilations of artifacts and historical data the majority of researchers now believe that the Pashto language is roughly 3500 to 2500 years old. This assertion has also been confirmed by Afghan Researcher Abdul Hai Habibi in his book “Pata Khazana” (Habibi, 2001).
As you can tell, the roots of the Pashto language and foundations of Pashtoon culture developed in very interesting ways. Jibe in his thesis notes that “Lwekan”, which ruled Ghazni and Baltistan in 960 B.C., contains the root “Lway” which translates to big and powerfulin Pashto (Jebi, 1960). Furthermore, archeologists have discovered that some Pashto letters contain mud stamps in the area of Swat, which belonged to the Asori Regime that ruled in 700 B.C. In his book “Da Pashto Tarikh” (History of Pashto), Muhammad Younus Khan points out that in Japanese emperor Mikado’s library there were many books on the teachings of Buddhism that were simultaneously written in Pashto. Accordingly the current writing style of Pashto can be traced back 2500 years ago (Khan, 1964).
Pashto is also considered to be a part of other language families. Author Jebi in his research “Pakhwani Pakhto Dwa Neem Zara Kala Makhkay”(Old Pashto 2500 years before) writes that Iran was ruled by Darwesh around 486 BC to 522 BC. Darwesh was a ruler well-known for his leadership skills and the legislative reform. After passing away, poems were written praising the qualities of the ruler, with most of these poems written in Pashto (Jebi A. R., 1974). Since then, Pashto has been world-renowned for its poetry. Perhaps this is the reason that numerous historians and Iranica(Encyclopedia of Iran) believe that the Pashto language belongs to the Eastern Iranian family of languages (Williams, 2010).
On the basis of above discussions, one could argue that Pashto is as old as many other historic languages like Sanskrit and Osta. According to the most reliable sources and facts, its roots can be traced back some 3500 years to 2500 years ago. Despite the fact that the lion’s share of researchers have concluded that Pashto is a 5000 years old language, more empirical research must be completed to support of this view. Whatever the case may be, its origins are clearly very diverse and fascinating to learn about.


Writing system


Main article: Pashto alphabet

Pashto employs the Pashto alphabet, a modified form of the Persian alphabet, which in part is derived from the Arabic alphabet. It has extra letters for Pashto-specific sounds. Since the 17th century, Pashto has been primarily written in the Naskh script, rather than the Nasta'liq script used for neighboring Persian and Urdu.

The Pashto alphabet consists of 44 letters and 4 diacritic marks. The following table gives the letters' isolated forms, along with the Latin equivalents and typical IPA values:

ا

ā, —

/ɑ, ʔ/ ب

b

/b/ پ

p

/p/ ت

t

/t̪/ ټ

/ʈ/ ث

s

/s/ ج

j

/d͡ʒ/ ځ

ź

/d͡z/ چ

č

/t͡ʃ/ څ

c

/t͡s/ ح

h

/h/ خ

x

/x/

د

d

/d̪/ ډ

/ɖ/

z

/z/

r

/r/ ړ

/ɺ˞~ɻ/

z

/z/ ژ

ž

/ʒ/ ږ

ǵ (or ẓ̌)

/ʐ, ʝ, ɡ/ س

s

/s/ ش

š

/ʃ/ ښ

x̌ (or ṣ̌)

/ʂ, ç, x/

ص

s

/s/ ض

z

/z/ ط

t

/t̪/ ظ

z

/z/ ع

/ʔ/ غ

ğ

/ɣ/ ف

f

/f/ ق

q

/q/ ک

k

/k/ ګ

g

/ɡ/ ل

l

/l/

م

m

/m/ ن

n

/n/ ڼ

/ɳ/ و

w, ū, o

/w, u, o/ ه

h, a, ə

/h, a, ə/ ي

y, ī

/j, i/ ې

e

/e/ ی

ay, y

/ai, j/ ۍ

əi

/əi/ ئ

əi, y

/əi, j/

Saturday, 5 October 2013

AFGHAN FOOTBALL CLUB CHAMAN


AFGHAN FOOTBALL CLUB CHAMAN

Afghan Football Club Chaman or Afghan FC are a football (soccer) club playing in the Pakistan Premier League. The club is based in Chaman, Balochistan, a border town near Afghanistan. The Afghan Club have a loyal fan base with locals turning up in huge numbers to support their team at their home matche
s held in a makeshift pitch at the Chaman High School Stadium. City of Chaman is the best example of a poor country with thousands of spectators and lovers of soccer and yet with no proper football stadium. Afghan Club with its thin and bleak fund prepares the stadium every year for the event at Chaman.

They are founding members of the PPL, and have struggled to compete in the league. In 2004, Muhammad Essa’s goals saved them from relegation, however he left for WAPDA FC the following season. Their most successful season was in 2005.Afghan Club has the trouble with producing players.In fact Afghan club annually produces brilliant young talent but to the dismay of the club these players join Departmental teams for salary.Please note that all players in Afghan club are voluntars and that club can not afford to pay to the poor members of the team.But Afghan Club has still managed to remain in the premier league.

Afghan FC barely avoided relegation in the 2006/07 season, finishing in 9th spot 2 points above Wohaib FC who edged out HBL FC in the drop zone to survive as well. In July 2008, the club's long time President, Haji Jamal, died of liver cancer while undergoing treatment in Quetta.Afghan Club is presently the only soccer club in Pakistan which does not have any official sponsor and is playing in the premier league since last 5 years.Most of the funding to the club is made by the family of late Haji Jamal Abdul Nasir (former president)and his cousin Dr.Mohammad ali.
General information
Full name: Afghan Football Club Chaman
Founded: 1957
Ground : Govt High School Chaman , Pakistan
(Capacity: 5,000)
Chairman' Haji saeed Ahmad i 
Manager: Haji Adam,
Asist.Mnager: Niyamat ullah
League: Pakistan Football Premier League
Best Postion: 2nd position

NAWAAB TAIMOOR SHAH JOGEZAI


NAWAAB TAIMOOR SHAH JOGEZAI WAS THE GRAND FATHER OF NAWAAB AYAZ KHAN JOGEZAI. HE USED TO SAY THAT AFTER ME THE NEXT NAWAAB WILL BE NAWAAB AYAZ KHAN JOGEZAI AND NOW WE HAVE THE SAME STRONG BLACK MOUNTAINS EAGLE NAWAAB AYAZ KHAN JOGEZAI. PROUD OFPASHTOONS.

HISTORY OF AWAMI NATIONAL PARTY


The Awami National Party (Pashto: ملي عوامي ګوند‎, Urdu: عوامی نيشنل پارٹی‎; Acronym: ANP), is a political party in Pakistan,[1] representing by a single seat in the Parliament. The party was founded by Abdul Wali Khan in 1986 and its current president is Asfandyar Wali Khan, grandson of Bacha Khan, with Tajuddin Khan serving as the Secretary-General. Part of the PPP-led cabinet of the Pakistani government during 2008-13, the ANP's political position is considered left wing, advocating for secularism, democratic socialism, public sector government, and economic egalitarianism.[2]
ANP was the largest Pashtun nationalist party in Pakistan between 2008-2013 with influence lying in the Pashtun dominated areas in and around Khyber-Pakhtunkhwa but it was wiped out by Pakistan Tehreek-e-Insaf (PTI) in 2013 election.The ANP party enjoys friendly ties with neighboring Afghanistan and India, and the United States.
Contents  
1 History
1.1 Formation and struggle for democracy
1.2 Alliance with Pakistan Peoples Party (PPP)
1.3 Recent events
2 Ideology
2.1 Foreign policy
3 ANP leaders
4 See also
5 References
6 External links
History

Khan Abdul Wali Khan's political career had been built on the tradition of intense Pashtun nationalism inherited from his father, Khan Abdul Ghaffar Khan (Bacha Khan). Both men were opposed to the creation of Pakistan, and after partition they were imprisoned. In 1956 Wali Khan joined the National Awami Party (NAP), led by a charismatic Bengali socialist, Abdul Hamid Khan Bhashani. In 1965 the NAP split into two factions, with Wali Khan becoming president of the pro-Moscow faction.[3]
The party's members participated in 1970 parliamentary elections through the Pakistan Peoples Party's platform and the National Awami Party, forming a largest socialist alliance with Zulfikar Ali Bhutto in 1970. However, the alliance fell apart and its members joined the Pakistan National Alliance.
In 1972 the party was strong enough to form coalition provincial governments, with its partner the Jamiat Ulema-e-Islam (JUI) in Khyber Pakhtunkhwa and Balochistan. These governments were short lived. Wali Khan was again jailed, and his party was barred from politics when the Supreme Court upheld the finding of President Bhutto that the NAP was conspiring against the state of Pakistan. General Zia-ul-Haq subsequently withdrew the charges against the NAP. Wali Khan was released, joined the National Democratic Party, and ultimately formed the Awami National Party. In the meantime, President Bhutto was imprisoned and executed in April 1979.[3]
Formation and struggle for democracy
Main article: Democracy in Pakistan
The Awami National Party (awami means "people's"), which depends on ethnic Pashtuns (Pakhtuns) of Khyber Pakhtunkhwa (formerly NWFP) and northern Balochistan as its political base, was formed in 1986 by the merger of several left-leaning parties including the Awami Tehrik and the National Democratic Party.[3]
National Democratic Party merged with several other progressive political and nationalist groups to form the Awami National Party. Wali Khan, the influential Pashtun and Soviet-backed leader, was elected as its first president and Sindhi socialist Rasul Bux Palejo was appointed its first secretary general. From 1986 to 1988, the ANP party was a member of the Movement for Restoration of Democracy.
Alliance with Pakistan Peoples Party (PPP)
Since its inception, the ANP has been an important ally of the Pakistan Peoples Party (PPP). The party formed a coalition government with the PPP in Khyber-Pakhtunkhwa, and in Sindh province and Islamabad for central government after the Pakistani parliamentary elections in 1988. This alliance, however, collapsed in April 1989 after differences cropped up between the two parties, after Prime Minister Benazir Bhutto ordered a military action that brutally failed. The Awami National Party later formed an alliance with the Pakistan Muslim League (PML) in early June 1989 which led to a formal split in the party with many activists allying with the PPP.
After the election of Nawaz Sharif in 1990, the ANP again formed a coalition with former rivals PML. This alliance proved longer lasting, surviving till 1998 when it collapsed over differences over the building of Kalabagh Dam and renaming the province NWFP to Pakhtunkhwa. It won six seats in the National Assembly in the 1990 elections. In the 1993 national elections, the party won three seats in the National Assembly.[3] It then joined the Grand Democratic Alliance, campaigning against Nawaz Sharif government's policies. After Nawaz Sharif's overthrow by Pervez Musharraf, the party stayed an active member of the Alliance for Restoration of Democracy, until the 2001 September 11 attacks in the United States, when it left the alliance over supporting NATO's ouster of the Taliban government. The party's reputation was damaged in this period following the arrest of former Federal Minister and senior party leader Azam Khan Hoti.[4]
In the 2002 elections the party struck up an alliance with the PPP. However, both parties were electorally routed in Khyber Pakhtunkhwa by the religion-political alliance Muttahida Majlis-e-Amal (MMA) riding on a wave of anti-American sentiment in Pakistan.[5]
In the 2008 parliamentary elections, the ANP dominated the far-right wing coalition, the MMA, a party formed by coalition of Islamic movements in 2002. The ANP has also won provincial seats in Balochistan and in Sindh for the first time in 15 years. It formed a coalition government with the Pakistan People's Party in all three provinces. In Khyber Pakhtunkhwa, the ANP has its first chief minister since 1948.
The strongholds of the ANP are in the Pashtun dominated areas of Pakistan, particularly in the Peshawar area of Khyber Pakhtunkhwa, while the city of Karachi in Sindh province hosts one of the largest Pashtun populations in the world. Of the 168 seats in Sindh Assembly, MQM, representing the Muhajir population, has 50 seats while the ANP, representing the Pashtun population, has only 2 seats. "Based on demographics, the Pasthuns of Karachi could have up to 25 seats in the provincial assembly, but they have only two."[6] Pashtuns began migrating to Karachi after the creation of Pakistan in 1947 and are now the city's second largest ethnic group after the Muhajirs, a people who originally came in large number from India after 1947 and settled in Karachi.[7] With as high as 7 million by some estimates, the city of Karachi in Pakistan has the largest concentration of urban Pakhtun population in the world, including 50,000 registered Afghan refugees in the city.[8]
Recent events
Main articles: Pakistani parliamentary election, 2008 and Pakistani Senate election, 2012
In May 2008, Asfandyar Wali Khan made an unannounced visit to the United States in which he and his delegate held high-level meetings with top U.S. officials.[9] A source explained that "the delegation is here as part of a visitors programme that brings important people from other nations for meeting US civil and military officials and members of the civic society." This was Wali Khan's second such visit to the United States, a country where he has several relatives.[9]
To most Pakistanis it is known but Pakistani media called them unknown people behind the unrest in Karachi Sindh, The MQM has been accused by mostly all political parties of using the Far-left procedure to disturb peace in stable cities of Pakistan, and to forcefully pressure the government to accept its ideology and agenda.[citation needed] The MQM party, is accused by all political parties for renegading and instigating violence in Sindh.[10]
In the last decade, over 1000s of members of the ANP have been assassinated or became victims of target killings.[10][11] Most of the attacks occurred in the Karachi and Peshawar areas.[12][13] An ANP rally in Quetta was subject to a bomb blast on 13 July 2012. The blast killed six people and injured 12 others. It was speculated that a cycle parked behind the stage was the probable cause. The dead included two children as well.[14]
In 2012, the ANP improved its power and gained momentum in the Pakistan Senate. The ANP has approximately twelve members in the Senate.[15]
Electoral history and performance of ANP[show]
Ideology



The official flag of the party, which represents red color, inspired by the Red Shirt (Khudai Khidmatgar) non-violent movement of Khan Abdul Ghaffar Khan.
The party espouses a nonviolent approach to tackling extremism.[2] It promotes democratic socialism, secularism, economic egalitarianism, and Pashtun nationalism. The party has dense support among the Pashtun population in the country. Although since 2000, its liberal socialism and pro-Pashtun philosophy has became its integral part of the party, advocating for the regional autonomy and increased Pashtun cultural expression. A frequent coalition partner in provincial politics, it was routed in the 2002 elections because of its opposition to the Taliban and support for the NATO-backed Karzai administration in neighboring Afghanistan.
It joined the opposition All Parties Democratic Movement, and along with other party's except the Pakistan Peoples Party resigned from Parliament in October 2007 in protest against the military regime of Pervez Musharraf. It was targeted in 2007 and 2008 by presumed supporters of the Taliban.[16][17] Despite the attacks, the party has advocated dialogue with moderate tribal elements to end the violence in the Government of Khyber Pakhtunkhwa and Federally Administered Tribal Areas. It has rejected foreign interference in the region. Since the 2008 elections the party has been the principal target of Tehrik-i-Taliban Pakistan (TTP) with over 100 activists having been assassinated by suicide bombers or in target killings.[18] It has also accused the Pakistani establishment and of being complicit in allowing the growth of the TTP in Pakistan because of its former support for the fighters.
Foreign policy
Further information: Afghanistan–Pakistan relations and Pakistan–United States relations
The Awami National Party has close ties with the Pashtun dominated government of Afghanistan and with the United States. Some claim that the party also has supporters in Russia but this is difficult to verify.[19] Others claim that like its partner Pakistan Peoples Party (PPP) the ANP suffered from the great purged by the General Zia-ul-Haq government.[20]
During the 1980s, the party demanded the end of the US-Pakistan Operation Cyclone and acceptance of Afghanistan's terms for speedy repatriation.[19] In 1987, calculations completed by Pakistan Institute of Public Opinions (PIPO), around 66% of ANP's respondents expressed themselves against Pakistan's continuing support of the mujahideen fighters.[19] The mujahideen were men from over 40 Islamic nations that arrived to Pakistan in the 1980s to be used as fighters in the Soviet war in Afghanistan. This violated article 2 of the 1893 Durand Line Agreement with Kabul. The ANP party played a major role in improving Pakistan's relations with Russia.[20]
ANP leaders

The Awami National Party is one of the few parties in Pakistan to hold a system of regular internal general elections every four-year period.
Presidents
1986-1990 Abdul Wali Khan
1991-1999 Ajmal Khattak
1999-2002 Asfandyar Wali
2002-2003 Ehsan Wyne
2003- 2007 Asfandyar Wali
2007- 2011 Asfandyar Wali
2011–present Asfandyar Wali Khan
Others
Afzal Khan Lala
Ghulam Ahmad Bilour
Afrasiab Khattak, Provincial President ANP Khyber-Pakhtunkhwa
Shahi Sayed, Provincial President ANP Sindh
Bashir Ahmad Bilour
Ameer Haider Khan Hoti
Latif Afridi
Bushra Gohar
Haji Muhammad Adeel
Qazi Anwar
Mian Iftikhar Hussain
Zahid Khan
Bashir Jan
Mohammad Yar Khan Mandokhail

List of political parties in Pakistan
Kalabagh Dam
Khan Abdul Jabbar Khan
Bahram Khan family

HISTORY OF PASHTUNKHWA MILLI AWAMI PARTY

PASHTOONKHWA MILLI AWAMI PARTY  [PMAP] 

Pashtunkhwa Milli Awami Party (PMAP) is a Pashtoon democratic political party in Pakistan. The Moto of PKMAP is to unite Pashtuns of Baluchistan, Khyber Pakhtunkhwa and Federally Administered Tribal Areas.  


Mahmood Khan Achakzai is the current party chairman. Abdul Rahim Mondokhail Advocate is the senior deputy chairman of the Party.  
Sher Ali Bacha was the first Secretary General of Pashtunkhwa Milli Awami Party.  In 2013 elections PMAP won 14 Provincial Assembly seats including 3 reserved seats for women, which were allocated to the sisters of those Martyrs who sacrificed their lives for the rights and good future of Pashtuns.  Pashtunkhwa Milli Awami Party demands equal rights and identity for Pashtuns, our theme is to divert children from extremism to Education 

AIMS AND OBJECTIVES 

Pashtunkhwa Milli Awami Party stands for and believes that each Nationality in Pakistan should have equal social, political and economical rights. PMAP believes that all the nations living in Pakistan should have equal rights and that each nation should have exclusive control over their own resources. PMAP demands and believes that Pashtuns from Chitral to Mianwali to Bolan should have one united province and have control over its own affairs. 

With the growing high cost of petroleum products, gas, groceries and utility bills, the family income of a middle class family cannot keep pace and more people are living below the poverty line. Middle class families are under stress just trying to make their ends meet. PMAP believes that when individuals and families are given the opportunity to succeed, the economy grows and the country will become stronger. That is why equality of opportunity is a fundamental principle of PMAP. People are out of work and have tightened their belts. PMAP strongly believes in growing our economy, creating jobs across the Pakhtun land, so no Pakhtun has to leave his home and his loved ones in search of a better future far from home or even abroad.

To stay competitive on a global scale and for a better future, our economy depends on highly educated and skilled individuals in various trades and industries. Pashtunkhwa Milli Awami Party believes firmly that all Pakhtuns deserve affordable access to education. PMAP also believes that Pashtuns should be able to get education in their own language.

When a loved one of a person gets sick, you want to be sure that you can count on the health care system. PMAP believes strongly that all citizens deserve the same level of high quality and timely health care provided by an efficient, accountable, and sustainable public health system.

PMAP stand for open, fair, and strong democratic representation. PMAP believes that Parliament should belong to the people instead of the Prime Minister and/or President. Also, PMAP strongly believes that the Army and Intelligence Agencies should stay away from politics. PMAP stands for democracy and the supremacy of parliament. 


PMAP supports the present government of Afghanistan and its efforts in rebuilding Afghanistan. PMAP strongly believes that Afghanistan is a sovereign state and therefore should have control of her internal and external affairs free from outside interference. As a result, it can have peace, commerce and friendship with other nations of the world. PMAP strongly condemns the interference of Pakistani Agencies in the affairs of Afghanistan or any other neighbouring country for that matter.  

Party Chairman 


Mahmood Khan Achakzai known as Mashar (born in1948 - ) is a Pukhtoon/Afghan Nationalist political leader rooted in the heartland Gulistan Janobi Pashtunkhwa Pakistan. Mahmood Khan Achakzai is the Chairman of Pakhtunkhwa Milli Awami Party. He is the son of Abdul Samad Khan Achakzai historically known as Khan Shaheed.Mahmood Khan Achakzai who is an Engineer by profession stepped in the politics after his father Abdul Samad Khan Achakzai was martyred. He openly opposed all the dictatorial regimes of Zia ul Haq and Parvaiz Musharaf. During Zia regime he led a protest procession of Movement for the restoration of Democracy on 7th October 1983 in the city of Quetta. The Army fired at the peaceful procession six pukhtoonkhwa NAP worker were martyred and shoot orders were issued against Mahmood Khan Achakzai.   Mahmood Khan Achakzai went underground for 5 years and returned after the restoration of Democracy in 1988. A staunch nationalist and democrat, Mahmood Achakzai is widely respected by democratic circles for his principled stance with regard to human rights, women rights, minority rights and the rule of law. He has been elected member of National Assembly (MNA) several times from his home constituency of Qilla Abdullah and also from Quetta, Baluchistan. In elections of 2013 Mahmood Khan Achakzai was elected from two National Assembly seats Pakhtunkhwa Milli Awami has won majority of provincial seats from the Pukhtoon belt in Baluchistan Province. His famous saying is “We do not make enemies or friends on the basis of color, creed, race, religion, language or belief. We respect every human being on the earth". 

The Political Thought of Mahmud Khan Achakzai


Mahmood Khan Achakzai is a rare and unique politician in AFPAK Politics. His political struggle is the continuity of his father - Abdus Samad Khan Achakzai’s resistance against the British and later their heirs in Pakistan. His father was martyred while fighting for the political rights of Pashtuns both on political and academic fronts. Abdus Samad Khan Achakzai left a rich political legacy for Mahmud Khan and all the wisdom which he had learnt from the life and work of his father compelled him to form a political platform for uniting Pashtuns and urging them to raise a collective voice for their rights.  Following are the salient features of Mahmood Khan’s political philosophy:

1-      Pashtun Historic land

Mahmood Khan maintains that the land between Oxus and Indus is the historical land of Pashtuns which was divided during successive attacks on Afghan territory and therefore currently is under the control of other nations. Pashtuns have been losing their land to other nations due to lack of political consciousness, unity and national stance on collective issues collective and if they still don’t realize this fact they are destined to suffer more in political terms. Mahmood Khan maintains that Pashtuns were divided only in the weak political sense by the British after drawing the imaginary Durand line but that division could not damage the Pashtun nation as their geographic position is like an integral whole. Hence FATA had independent status and it should be given the same independent status such that it should have its own legislature, executive and judiciary run by the local Tribal Pashtuns. This makes Durand line an international issue between Pakistan and Afghanistan and hence it should be treated like Kashmir issue. Due to this complicated nature of Durand line issue, Mahmood Khan defines Pakistan as the country of Pashtuns while Afghanistan as the motherland of Pashtuns. As country is a variable entity while motherland is permanent hence a person has natural inclination and love for motherland despite a person’s citizenship which may belong to one country or another. He therefore regards Afghanistan as the motherland and Pakistan as the country of Pashtuns.

2-      Democratic share in Power

Mahmood Khan demands a share in the governance and political power for Pakhtuns in Pakistan as it is the second majority ethnic group. He believes that humongous armies, economies, nuclear arsenals or ammunitions cannot bind the people of a country together. The glue which keeps the various federations, ethnic groups, provinces or states of a country consists of two elements – a social contract between the units constituting the country and secondly the element of  democracy. He draws the attentions of the world towards the former USSR and Czechoslovakia and urges the learned and wise ones to extract wisdom from these historic political events. Making it a premise for Pakistan, which is also proud of its nuclear teeth and huge military capabilities in the Muslim world, he advises the ruling junta of Pakistan to devolve the powers in reality to the people of Pakistan in a democratic manner. Being a staunch believer in both the form as well as essence of democracy, his political party – Pashtunkhwa Milli Awami Party- boycotted the 2008 elections in the Baluchistan province of Pakistan but in 2013 election party contested elections and won 10 Provincial Assembly and 3 national assembly seats.

3-      Non Interference

Mahmood Khan believes in a foreign policy of “Do not interfere into the affairs of others”. He is an advocate of non interference and non intervention in the internal affairs of any neighbouring country. He maintains that Pakistani military establishment has been responsible for the destruction and devastation of Afghanistan even after the Cold war. He has made it clear to the world times and again that the intelligence agencies and other allied military institutions can sort out the AfPak issue in months if not in days once they have the will to do so. He urges the military establishment to act like the five senses in a human body and just inform the state about any possible threats to the solidarity or defense of the country instead of pursuing an aggressive foreign policy of provocation and justifying the need for a humungous budget for the security forces of the country. He maintains that irrespective of the economic or political status of the nation state the neighbouring or any other state should not interfere into the internal affairs of that nation state and should respect her sovereignty and freedom. He accuses Pakistan of meddling into the affairs of Afghanistan since the US-Russia war in Afghanistan in 1978 and believes that Pakistan took active role in the instability of Afghanistan since that war due to which Afghanistan became a battlefield between various Afghans factions all of which were fighting to take control of Kabul. The same war also made Afghanistan Chess ground of international players.



4-      Self Control over Resources

Mahmood Khan demands for control of people over their natural resources. He blames Punjab of having hegemony when it comes to the distribution of resources. He has been raising his voice for the right of Pashtuns to have control over their water, electricity, minerals and other natural resources. His party has been actively involved in parliamentary politics and has a marked presene in the South Pakhtunkhwa [currently called Baluchistan] province of Pakistan while is undergoing the phase of evolution in Khyber Pakhtunkhwa and rest of Pakistan.  The party has been actively involved in raising a voice for the oppressed ethnicities in general and for Pashtuns in particular. He is known to have never compromised over the rights of Pashtuns with any institution of Pakistan including the strongest military establishment which has been ruling Pakistan defacto since the time Pakistan was founded in 1947.

5-      Sectarian and Ethnic Tolerance

Mahmood Khan is of the opinion that sectarian tolerance has to be practiced till the whole world embraces one philosophy of existence. Humans have to show respect for the religions and codes of life of other humans and society has to be based on the principle of peaceful co existence. The main emphasis of his concept of peaceful co existence, however, is the fact that he believes in the equality of all religions in terms of respect. By equality in respect he means that irrespective of which sect is the torch bearer of truth, every sect should give the same status to that of others as it demands for its own. The same principle is for ethnic tolerance. He demands respect for Pashto language, culture, music, art, history, social institutions and other ethnic norms vis-a-vis same demands by any other ethnic group or even the state for their ethnic features and identity from national as well as international community. Mahmood Khan believes that the concept of self respect needs to be practiced at collective level too.  While its realisation at the individual level is also necessary and has been a part and parcel of Pakhtun life style but that practice is not sufficient in the contemporary age. The implications of this notion have enormous socio-political and even economic implications. It unconsciously inculcates the seeds of competition in the collective psyche of a nation and brings it, consequently, at par with the developed nations of the world.

6-      New Social Contract

Mahmood Khan Achakzai and his party are known as a ray of hope for the poor and oppressed people in the multi-tier corrupt societal structure of Pakistan. The current societal nomenclature of Pakistan consists of a colonial legacy layer, a sectarian layer and a security state layer. The implications of these layers necessitate a dictatorial form of governance while the Zeitgeist of the age is democracy. Hence there is a constant state of conflict between the ruling junta and the ruled class. The priorities of both are contradictory to each other. The artificial amalgam has already shown its weakness in early 1970 during the era of a military dictator which resulted in the creation of Bangla Desh. Pakistan is now facing the implications of the second layer of its chemistry and is facing the menace of terrorism in which every individual as well as institution is under threat and hence afraid . Practically Pakistan is becoming a living hell for her inhabitants.

In this abyss of darkness, Mahmood Khan has been pressing for a new social contract for the people of Pakistan based on truth and reconciliation in the true sense in which the chemistry of the state should be revisited, the constitutions and its guiding principles should be reviewed,  the aspirations and rights of the people should be ensured, anti-progress restrictions and constraints in the constitution should be abolished and democratic process is given a chance to flourish without deforming its form or distorting its essence.    

Tuesday, 1 October 2013

HISTORY OF KILLAH SAIFULLAH

Killa Saifullah, Killa Saifullah, Qilla Saifullah,or Saifullah Killa (Pashto: قلعہ سیف اللہ‎) (Fort of Saifullah Khan) is a district in northwestern Balochistan province, Pakistan. Saifullah Khan was a brave warrior of Khoidadzai, in the Meerdadzai/Mirdadzai, a sub tribe of Kakar Sunzerkhel. A part of Zhob was named after him because of his bravery.

Killa Saifullah is one of the central cities of Balochistan. It has great value because of its agricultural products.

Killa Saifullah became a district on 14 December 1988. Qilla Saifullah used to be part of Fort Sandaman (Appozai District) and known as Zhob sub-division. In 2006 Kashatoo sub-tehsil of Zhob District was transferred to Qilla Saifullah district with a new name, Badinai. After the inclusion of Badinai sub-tehsil, (whose area is not known) in Qilla Saifullah District, the district was re-organised as far as administrative division is concerned.

At present the district is divided into two sub-divisions: Qilla Saifullah and Muslim Bagh. Kila Saifullah sub-division comprises one tehsil (Killa Saifullah) and one sub-tehsil (Badinai). Killa Saifullah tehsil is further sub-divided into 2 Qanungo circles and then into 5 patwar circles. The entire Badinai sub-tehsil is a Qanungo circle as well as patwar circle. Muslim Bagh sub-division comprises Muslim Bagh tehsil and Loiband sub-tehsil. The entire Muslim Bagh tehsil is one Qanungo circle, further sub-divided into 4 patwar circles. The Loiband sub-tehsil consists of one qanungo circle and is sub-divided into 2 patwar circles Over 99% of the people of the area are Muslims. The population of Kaala Saifullah district is estimated to be over 23,3047 in 2005. The vast majority of the population of Killa Saifullah is Pakhtun and The Major Castes of District Killa saifullah is Meerzai and jalalzai.Most of the population belongs to these two castes.the larger part of land in District Killa saifullah is related to Meerzai and the people of Meerzai caste covered a Large number of Population in District killa saifullah.they are very Brave and Hospitable people of District Killa saifullah.

Contents  

1 Administration

2 Location

3 Historical background

4 Main tribes of Killa Saifullah

Administration


The district is administratively subdivided into the following tehsils:[1]

Killa Saifullah

Muslim Bagh

Location


Killa Saifullah is about 135 km south to quetta. Kila Saifullah is an important district of Pushtun Districts of Balochistan. Nebiouring Districts Are Zhob, Loralai, Pishin. Its boder are linked With the nebiouring Country Afghanistan. Killa Saifullah, Killa Saifullah or Saifullah Killa (fort of Saifullah Khan) is a district in the north west of Balochistan province of Pakistan, 135 KM from Quetta, the Provincial Capital. Killa Saifullah was diistrict notified on 14 December 1988.

Historical background


This District is named after Saifullah Khan, who was from the Mirdadzai (Khodadzai) tribe of Kakar Sunzerkhail. He was the great grandson of Zarh Nikka (Faiz ullah Akhunzada), a renowned religious scholar of the region. The British sent its Zhob Expedition in 1884 in order to occupy the Zhob region through Baratkhail. In the meanwhile the castles of Saifullah Khan Khoidadzai and Shah Jehan Jogezai (The Badshah of Zhob) were demolished. On October 7, 1884, an assault on the Qalla (Castle) of Shah Jehan near Akhterzai resulted the killings of many tribal people including Malik Hamza Daulatzai and Mohammad Ghous who fought bravely. All 500 tribal Sardars admitted their submission before the British forces and also signed an agreement that they will not interfere in the affairs of British Government in Zhob region except Saifullah Khan Khoidadzai and Shah Jehan Jogezai, who had a narrow escape from the battle scene and established themselves at Kalat Afghanistan; where they used to operate their insurgency campaign against the British and never subdued before the British Occupying Forces.[2]

Early in the 13th century the country came within the sphere of the raids organised by Genghis Khan, the Mongol. In 1398 AD, an expedition against the Afghans of the area was led by Pir Muhammad, grandson of Amir Timur. Although no authentic information exist about any foreign occupation, many forts, mounds and karezes are attributed to the Mughals. Both Nadir Shah (1736-47 AD) and Ahmed Shah (1747-73 AD) extended their power through Balochistan and thenceforth Zhob remained under the more or less nominal suzerainty of the Durranis and Barakzais until it came under British protection. In the middle of the 18th century Ahmed Shah granted a sanad (certificate) to Bekar Nika, fourth in descent from Jogi and the head of the Jogezai family, conferring upon him the title and position of “Badshah or Ruler of Zhob”. Shah Jehan Jogezai was conferred as Badshah of Zhob. The Descendants of Shah Jehan Jogezai used to live in Loralai District of Balochistan. Administrative Units:

Main tribes of Killa Saifullah


Killa Saifullah District has been divided into two administrative units i.e., Tehsils.

Killa Saifullah

Killa Saifullah Tehsil comprises 08 union councils

Badini

Sadar Batozai

Sadar Pasanzai

Town

Musafirpur

Sharan Jogezai

Tubli

Akhterzai

Batozai


Muslim Tehsil comprises 07 union councils

Kan Mehterzai

Murgha Faqirzai

Sadar

Town

Loiband

Nasai janbagzai

kanchoghi

The vast majority of the population of Qilla Saifullah is Pashtun . Killa Saifullah, still a tribal agency in administrative terms, has been a part of Zhob and all the historical descriptions.



Killa Saifullah, still a tribal agency in administrative terms, has been a part of Zhob and all the historical descriptions available are in the context of the Zhob area. The prime historical importance of Zhob is having been a cradle of the Afghan race. In the 7th century, Hiuen Tsiang, a Chinese pilgrim has described the Afghans as living in Zhob. Early in the 13th century the country came within the sphere of the raids organised by Gengis Khan, the Mongol. In 1398 AD, an expedition against the Afghans of the area was led by Pir Muhammad, grandson of Amir Timur. Although no authentic information exist about any foreign occupation, many forts, mounds and karezes are attributed to the Mughals. Both Nadir Shah (1736-47 AD) and Ahmed Shah (1747-73 AD) extended their power through Balochistan and thenceforth Zhob remained under the more or less nominal suzerainty of the Durranis and Barakzais until it came under British protection. In the middle of the 18th century Ahmed Shah granted a sanad (certificate) to Bekar Nika, fourth in descent from Jogi and the head of the Jogizai family, conferring upon him the title and position of “Badshah or Ruler of Zhob”. This family continued to exercise authority over the Kakars until the British were first brought into contact with them.

After outbreak of the Afghan war in 1878, Zhob became a focus of the British attention when the Kakars of Zhob under the command of various sardars – the most important being Shah Jahan, Shahbaz Khan, Dost Muhammad and Bangul Khan – resisted the British authority and tried to destroy the communications. In October 1884, an expedition was sent into Zhob area to seek submission from the local dissidents. After various encounters with the Kakars of Zhob the British occupied the territory and Zhob was declared a political agency in 1890. Captain MacIver was appointed first Political Agent to Zhob. However, tribesmen of Zhob always posed difficulties for the British government. In 1924, the British Political Agent to Zhob was murdered by tribesmen and during World Wars I and II military posts in the area were under continuos threat of attacks by the tribesmen.

Killa Saifullah has been home of the Jogizai family. After the submission of Shah Jahan, the Badshah of Zhob, to the British in 1888 at Gwal Haiderzai, Killa Saifullah area was annexed to Muslim Bagh (then Hindu Bagh) tehsil – established in 1890 – but later it was declared a sub-tehsil in 1893 and a tehsil in 1903. Muslim Bagh (formerly called Hindu Bagh) is believed to be named after a garden planted by a Hindu saint.

The district has some archaeological sites mainly attributed to the Mughals. The ruins of an old fort called Mughalo Killa or “the fort of the Mughals” were found to the west of the Karezgai village, about 3¼ kilometres from Muslim Bagh, below which there is a spring of water which was reopened about 125 years ago. Fragments of ancient pottery were found in these ruins and it is said that old silver and copper coins were also found. The ruins of a fort called Khanki lie near Shina Khura about 25 kilometres east of Muslim Bagh. Local tradition asserts that the fort was held by Miro, a Mughal governor, who was miraculously overthrown by Sanzar Nika, the progenitor of the Sanzarkhel Kakars. There are also ruins of an old fort called the Mughalo Brunj in Murgha Faqirzai. Similar ruins occur near Toiwar, Sharan, Ismailzai and on the Zhar hill near Akhtarzai. There also exist ancient karezes, said to have been made in Mughal times, which may be considered as relics of archaeological interest. These include Karez Akhtarzai, Karez Soghai and Mustafa Karez in Killa Saifullah sub-division and 2 karezes in Sra Khulla, about 6½ kilometres from Muslim Bagh.

The entire Killa Saifullah district remained a part of Zhob district as Upper Zhob sub-division up to 14th December 1988. However, Badinai, sub-tehsil of Killa Saifullah district, was previously included in Kakar Khurasan as sub-division of Zhob with the name Kashatoo. About two years ago it was transferred to Killa Saifullah district. At present, Killa Saifullah district comprises Killa Saifullah sub-division – including Killa Saifullah tehsil and Badinai sub-tehsil – and Muslim Bagh sub-division – including Muslim Bagh tehsil and Loiband sub-tehsil. Kan Mehterzai is a monumental place in the district where Asia’s highest railway station is located.